The Marea Verde: How Latin American Women Have Changed the Definition of Security

Abstract

The Marea Verde (Green Wave) is a feminist movement that emerged in Argentina and spread across Latin America, addressing gender-based violence (GBV), femicide, and reproductive rights. Symbolised by the green handkerchief, it achieved key victories like the legalisation of abortion in Argentina (2020), Colombia (2022), and Mexico (2023), reframing women’s safety and autonomy as central to human security. The movement has influenced international policy, driving GBV recognition in the United Nations (UN) Universal Periodic Review and shaping gender-sensitive approaches to conflict resolution, such as Colombia’s 2016 peace agreement. Despite significant opposition from conservative forces, religious institutions, and state pushback, the Marea Verde continues to grow, proving the transformative power of collective action in challenging systemic inequality and advancing a more just, inclusive future.

By shannon wörne

Introduction 

The Marea Verde (Green Wave) is a powerful feminist movement that emerged in Argentina in the early 2000s and gained remarkable momentum throughout the 2010s [1]. Characterised by its mass cross-regional protests, the surge of the movement coincided with skyrocketing rates of gender-based violence (GBV) across Latin America (LATAM). Women across the region began sharing their stories on Facebook, transforming personal struggles into a transnational movement of solidarity. Local tragedies quickly became international rallying cries, fueling grassroots activism in countries such as Argentina, Chile, Mexico and Colombia, where the movement took its deepest roots [1]. Through this digital and collective mobilisation, the green handkerchief—symbolising hope, health, and life—became the iconic emblem of the Marea Verde, amplifying its message of resistance and equality across LATAM and beyond [3].

 

The Marea Verde has profoundly shaped the region’s approach to international security by challenging the traditional, state-centric view and advocating for a human-centric perspective. It has pushed for the inclusion of GBV, reproductive rights, and human rights as core components of security, emphasising the safety, autonomy, and dignity of women and marginalised groups [1][2]. Through its relentless activism, the Marea Verde has redefined what it means to create a secure and just society for all.

Legalisation and Institutional Change

Through mass protests and social media activism, the Marea Verde has achieved groundbreaking legislative victories, including the decriminalisation of abortion in Argentina (2020), Colombia (2022), and Mexico (2023) [2]. These milestones mark a fundamental shift in recognising reproductive rights as an essential component of human security and human rights, safeguarding women’s bodily autonomy and freedom from state-imposed control. The movement’s successes have transcended borders, frequently serving as a case study in international advocacy, especially by Amnesty International [4].

Beyond reproductive rights, the Marea Verde has been instrumental in pressuring governments to address GBV and femicide through concrete institutional reforms, such as national security strategies addressing organised crime [5]. Through mass protests, activists have successfully pushed for creating and funding specialised units within police forces, prosecutors’ offices, and international organisations to combat these crimes. This advocacy gained global attention in 2010, when the UN and other international organisations urged Mexico to formally classify “femicide” as a distinct crime in its criminal code, following widespread media coverage of las muertas de Juárez (the dead of Juárez) [6]. Since then, initiatives such as partnerships with UN Women have been developed to strengthen regional responses to GBV, signalling Marea Verde’s impact on policy and international cooperation.

Transnational Feminist Solidarity 

The Marea Verde has expanded across LATAM, inspiring women and feminist movements in countries with restrictive abortion laws and alarmingly high rates of GBV. The protests of the Marea Verde are characterised by taking on aggressive roles - including the destruction of governmental property - which was pivotal in receiving international attention [7]. Legislative victories in countries like Argentina and Mexico have not only set legal and cultural precedents but also increased pressure on neighbouring governments to liberalise abortion laws and take concrete steps to address GBV. 

Operating transnationally, the Marea Verde embodies a dynamic of interconnected activism that mirrors the “domino effect” often observed in LATAM politics. Through international attention and online activism, feminist movements across the region influence and learn from each other, forging alliances that transcend national borders. This has resulted in collaborative efforts between women’s rights organisations, policymakers, and international institutions to drive legal and policy reforms [1][2][7]. Notably, the Marea Verde has played a pivotal role in influencing resolutions within the Organization of American States and the UN, successfully framing GBV as a critical security threat that demands a global response—further proving that its impact is far from limited to LATAM [8].

Gender-Based Violence as a Security Issue 

The movement has laid bare deep-rooted misogynistic behaviours and systemic patterns that perpetuate femicide across LATAM, particularly in countries like Mexico and Guatemala, which report some of the highest femicide rates globally [9]. Femicide destabilises societies and erodes state legitimacy, particularly when paired with high impunity rates, elevating this crime to an international security concern [4][9]. The Marea Verde's advocacy has been instrumental in including femicide data in international reports, thereby shifting narratives around public security and state accountability. This change is especially visible in Universal Periodic Review (UPR) reports—a UN mechanism assessing member states' human rights practices. A comparison of reports from 2007-2008 to 2012-2013 reveals a marked change, as “femicide” went from being absent to gaining notable mentions [10]. Since 2011, femicide and GBV language have been widely adopted in UN reports and by most UN member states [10].

In the context of GBV in conflict zones, the Marea Verde has highlighted the disproportionate risks women face, including sexual violence, displacement, and exploitation, particularly in conflict-affected countries like Colombia, Mexico, El Salvador, and Brazil [4][5][7]. These efforts have influenced peacebuilding and post-conflict strategies to adopt gender-sensitive approaches of both the UN and individual governments. Mexico (2020), Chile (2023), and Colombia (2024) have adopted feminist foreign policies, emphasising the application of intersectional perspectives to global power dynamics [11]. The movement has further exposed the links between GBV and organised crime, especially cartel-related violence. Criminal organisations frequently use violence against women as a tool for control and power consolidation. This process of weaponising violence against women allows criminal organisations to assert dominance over communities and territories [12]. The Marea Verde has been a vocal advocate for addressing these dynamics in both regional and international security strategies.

The movement further aligns with the UN Women, Peace and Security agenda, established in 2000. The Marea Verde has significantly advanced this agenda in LATAM by advocating for greater representation of women in security and peacekeeping roles. For instance, Colombia’s 2016 peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) included a gender commission to ensure women’s participation in post-conflict processes—an achievement directly attributed to feminist activism [5].

Challenges and Conclusion

 Although the Marea Verde has achieved remarkable progress, it has also faced considerable opposition. In response to its growing influence, the pro-life movement, which opposes abortion in all circumstances, launched its own campaigns to counter the feminist narrative and advocate against reproductive rights [13]. These efforts have been widely supported by segments of the population, reflecting the deeply rooted conservative ideologies prevalent in many LATAM countries. The Catholic Church and evangelical groups remain particularly influential, serving as powerful forces that resist abortion rights and feminist movements [13]. 

As a result, abortion and feminist issues have become deeply polarising, with some governments actively pushing back against feminist advances. Protests organised by the Marea Verde have often been met with police brutality and military intervention, highlighting the challenges activists face in advocating for systemic change [4]. Despite these obstacles, the Marea Verde continues to rise, growing stronger with every challenge it faces. The movement stands as a testament to the unwavering collective power of women and their allies, demonstrating that even the most entrenched systems can be dismantled. 

Sources

[1] Mabel Azpeitia, “La marea que nos pintará de verde”, Gaceta UAEH, https://www.uaeh.edu.mx/gaceta/1/numero2/abril/marea-verde.html#:~:text=Este%20movimiento%20surgió%20en%20Argentina,cuestiones%20afines%20a%20estos%20temas.

[2] Raevyn Reader, “La Marea Verde: The Green Wave Movement Paving the Way for Reproductive Justice in Latin America”, Denver Journal of International Law and Policy, 2024, https://djilp.org/la-marea-verde-the-green-wave-movement-paving-the-way-for-reproductive-justice-in-latin-america/#:~:text=The%20Green%20Wave%20Movement%20(La,like%20Ecuador%20and%20El%20Salvador.

[3] Sarah Smith, “Introducing Feminism in International Relations Theory”, International Relations Theory, 2018, https://www.e-ir.info/pdf/72236

[4] Amnesty International, “La Marea Verde”, Amnistía Internacional Español, 2019, https://www.amnesty.org/es/latest/campaigns/2019/08/the-green-wave/

[5] Nigel Walker, John Curtis, “Human rights in Colombia and implementation of the 2016 peace agreement”, House of Commons Library, 2022, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cdp-2022-0081/

[6] Macarena Iribarne, “Feminicidio (en México)”, Eunomía. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, No 9, octubre 2015-marzo 2016, pp. 205-223 

[7] Pheobe Martin, “The ‘Pañuelo Verde’ Across Latin America: a Symbol of Transnational and Local Feminist (Re)volution”, King’s College London, 2020, https://www.kcl.ac.uk/the-panuelo-verde-across-latin-america

[8] Victoria Holguín, “Latin America’s Marea Verde movement secures new victory in Colombia”, Sigrid Rausing Trust, 2022, https://www.sigrid-rausing-trust.org/story/latin-americas-marea-verde-movement-secures-new-victory-in-colombia/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

[9] Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, “Women, Peace and Security Index 2023/24”, https://giwps.georgetown.edu/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/WPS-Index-full-report.pdf

[10] United Nations Human Rights Council, “Documentation by country”, https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/upr/documentation

[11] Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, “Policy Brief: Feminist foreign policy in the EU and Latin America”, https://brussels.fes.de/e/policy-brief-feminist-foreign-policy-in-the-eu-and-latin-america.html

[12] Colombian Organized Crime Observatory, “Women and Organized Crime in Latin America”, https://insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Women-and-Organized-Crime-in-Latin-America-beyond-victims-or-victimizers_InSight-Crime.pdf

[13] Marco Porras, “The Marea Verde vs Pro-Vida movements: the fight over abortion rights in Latin America”, 2022, https://www.latamdialogue.org/post/the-marea-verde-vs-pro-vida-movements-the-fight-over-abortion-rights-in-latin-america