After the breakout of the civil war, Libya’s fragmented political landscape led to internal partitions and the rise of two political establishments, in addition to other armed militias. In the ongoing conflict, all belligerent parts are fighting for the control of oil, among other things. More specifically, Libya’s hydrocarbon sector has long been a magnet for non-state groups such as armed militias and even terrorist organisations, which are trying to gain control over oil facilities with the purpose of gaining political power and capitalising on illicit oil smuggling. This paper aims to delve into the role of oil in the Libyan crisis, by briefly investigating what sort of political outcomes each belligerent faction would obtain by control of oil facilities.
Many women from southern African countries migrate without legal documentation to South Africa to seek better economic prospects. However, they often face marginalisation and discrimination in transit and upon arrival. Once they reach their destination there are barriers to their security and stability; namely, the legal code in South Africa hosts a policy gap that exacerbates exploitation by employers. [1] This article centres these women’s experiences as important and deserving of study and protection.
Energy export and production can be a source of political leverage for producers and a vulnerability for non-producing countries and developing energy producers. New energy entrants like Tanzania stand to benefit if resources are properly managed and invested. The recent discovery of over 46 trillion cubic feet of offshore natural gas in Tanzania places the East African country as a significant competitor in the global Liquified Natural Gas market. Their proximity to the Asian LNG market heightens the expectation of this resource for power generation, regional supply, and intercontinental export. However, the political, legal, and security environment, along with the collapse in oil prices (to which most liquified gas exports are linked) and increased demand for cheaper and cleaner energy sources caused by COVID-19 all present challenges to Tanzania.
For eight years now, we have heard about the Sahel as the theatre of a war on terror. Sparked in Mali with the Tuareg rebellion of 2012, the conflict, largely waged by jihadist organisations, quickly spread beyond the borders. Islamist groups have constantly been striving to expand their influence. They have built up their power by exploiting state weaknesses in the face of deeply rooted economic issues and socio-ethnic tensions already amplified by climate change. However, a key ingredient of their success lies in the dangerous potential of organised crime and trafficking networks in the Sahel. This piece will first look at the criminal rings that have contributed to turning the Sahel into a powder keg, and for which the conflict has played a catalyzing effect. Then, it will develop the argument that those trafficking practices nurture each other, which makes them even more arduous to overcome.
An inclusive society is crucial for enabling communities with different cultures, faiths and languages to cohabit peacefully. Difference is a blessing. However, many see difference as a threat. With a number of immigrants coming from Africa every year, France is facing challenges to upholding a healthy intercultural and interfaith society.
Chinese economic expansion demands energy and natural resources that far exceed domestic supply capabilities, posing a serious threat to the nation’s security. From this, diversified Sino-African energy and resource trade relations have become more than just strategic, but rather, vital for Beijing. It is of no surprise that the literature on the subject of Chinese investment in African nations is polarised and influenced by value judgements regarding China’s role and agenda in the international economy. On one hand, Western critics regard it as neo-colonialist; on the other, proponents see it as pro-mercantilist. Using the case study of loans-for-oil trade deals struck between China and Angola, this article aims to challenge this binary stance that seems to essentialise the issue of ‘China in Africa.’
In this study I investigate Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in Tanzania, a security issue affecting about one third of women globally, but about 65% of women in Tanzania.
My findings indicate that institutionalised resources such as the police and health care workers are the weakest allies to women. On the other hand, neighbours are the strongest, indicated by high rates of reporting by women and even higher rates of offering help. This important information should prompt a reevaluation of which resources are valuable, and which should be supported by programming aimed at ending IPV.
Kenya’s status as a major technological innovator in recent years has positioned it as Africa’s Silicon Valley, but what implications does this have for the continent’s future prospects? And how can we mitigate the burgeoning shortcomings? This piece looks at some of the most salient challenges of digital technologies in Kenya today.
In August 2016, Morocco introduced a new gas pipeline project - one that extends all the way to Nigeria. This project is in line with Morocco’s South-South Agenda; a key focus of Rabat’s foreign policy for greater engagement with Sub-Saharan Africa. The Morocco-Nigeria pipeline, both onshore and offshore, would supply gas to 13 countries in West and North Africa as a continuation of the existing West Africa Gas Pipeline (WAGP) between Nigeria, Benin, Togo and Ghana. With a possible extension to Europe through Spain, the Morocco-Nigeria pipeline would be one of the longest worldwide (5,660 kilometers, or 3,517 miles), and a new opportunity for socio-economic development in Western Africa. Yet, the project faces fundamental obstacles. Indeed, this initiative could become an open door to more corruption and disastrous environmental issues — one of the main reasons behind slow social and economic development in West Africa. Furthermore, the pipeline seems to rekindle cross-border tensions regarding the exploitation of natural resources.
The circumstances of refugees in Kenya are defined by the protracted crises in neighboring countries. The ongoing Somali Civil War, conflict in South Sudan, the Rwandan Genocide, the Congo Wars, and violence in eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo have caused hundreds of thousands of people to flee to Kenya. As of May 2019, the refugee population in Kenya is estimated at 476,695 people, the majority of whom are housed in Dadaab Refugee Complex close to the border with Somalia, and Kakuma Refugee Settlement close to South Sudan.
When asked to identify trends that shape the world today, most commonly listed issues were climate change, the rise of China as a global power, the surge of nationalism, and the potential implications of artificial intelligence1. The World Economic Forum’s Global Shapers found that ‘nearly half (48.8%) of the survey participants chose climate change as their top concern, and 78.1% said they would be willing to change their lifestyle to protect the environment’2. The impact of Climate Change on the environment can be felt in many areas including the intensification of natural disasters, the increasing number of endangered species, arctic ice melting, and the expansion of the Sahara3. When attempting to comprehend the security implications as a result of climate conditions, it is important to refer to aspects that have the potential to affect everyday life for communities. This piece presents the impact of Climate Change on the Global South and focuses on Sub-Saharan regions in regard to accessibility to natural resources and its relation with intra-regional migration.
Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Twenty Years of Attempted United Nations Peacekeeping
‘The year 2019 sees the UN’s peacekeeping efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) cross the threshold of 20 continuous years. Violence in the country endures despite numerous mandate expansions of the UN peacekeeping mission to a point where it now allows the use of proactive force for mandate implementation. Proactive force stands in opposition to the original concepts of UN peacekeeping, creating conflicting opinions within the authorising United Nations Security Council. The UN’s 20 years in the DRC tells a story of increasingly desperate measures without a mission completion in sight.’
The struggle for ethnic identities in Morocco and Algeria: A colonial legacy of inequalities
“The sentences of Hirak protestors were recently confirmed in appeal by the Casablanca court, reaching up to 20 years of prison on the ground of ‘conspiracy against State’s Security’. The Hirak movement occurred in the Rif, claiming the end of an economic blockade and social discrimination affecting Amazigh regions. Five years after the Arab Spring, known as the ‘20th February movement’ in Morocco, the (under)development of the Amazigh regions remains a big issue. The popular mass protest spread in Algeria, where similar conditions are experienced by the Kabyles. These events underline the inherent connection between recognition of an identity on the one hand, and socio-economic inequalities on the other. Properly named Amazigh, Berber is the dominant ethnic group in Morocco and an important one in Algeria, despite the countries’ identification as “Arab”. Ultimately, questions of identity and process of Arabisation in both Morocco and Algeria, could be hardly understood without acknowledging their colonial past.”
Post-Revolution Libya’s Internal State-building Challenges
“The 17 February 2011 Libyan revolution brought a sense of freedom to the Libyan people. Eight years later, the country has erupted into another war, with numerous internal state-building challenges. Many of these challenges are rooted in the Gaddafi regime.”
Environmental Migration and conflict in west africa
“In the coming decades, climate change will push an astounding number of people to flee their homes in West Africa to search for new places where food, health, and environmental security will be more accessible. Addressing this issue in the earliest phases will play a fundamental role in the coming decades’ policy outcome”
China’s Influence in Africa: Forging a Mutually beneficial future
“It is important that Chinese investment recognise Africa’s quest for an equitable international partnership that allows the continent to determine its own development while working towards common global goals: sustainable development, mutual prosperity and respect.”
This article explores how the Wagner Group’s (WG) expanding footprint in Africa can exacerbate the migration crisis in Europe. It argues that the group can provoke irregular migration by supporting violence and political oppression in Africa and cooperating with hybrid warfare tools against EU borders. It also reflects on the challenges for the EU to address such threats and comments on what could be done by the Union to contain the WG in Africa.