Comfort women were girls and young women working as sexual slaves for the Imperial Japanese Army during World War II. The term is a translation of the Japanese word ianfu, which means “prostitute(s).” Usually the women employed were poor and non-Japanese, as the country wanted to preserve the purity of its own women. Hence, the majority of comfort women were found in Japanese occupied countries — primarily, Korea, China, and the Philippines.

The existence of atrocious systems such as comfort stations, exemplifies the weaponisation of female bodies in Japan. Even though this episode of forced prostitution ended, the idea behind it remains rooted in Japanese society as the country today continues to refuse to acknowledge their crimes. The topic of weaponisation of female bodies will be discussed deeply this month, as a series of articles will be published on the matter. This article will explore the topic of comfort women — particularly, the reasons behind its existence and the consequences of this phenomenon.

Last year, the world watched in utter shock as Australia burned. In Australia, bushfires are a natural phenomenon that affects numerous parts of the country yearly. However, the fires of the “Black Summer period” of 2019/2020 were unprecedented in nature and scope. By March 2020, the fires had engulfed over 19 million hectares of Australian land, destroyed over 3000 houses, killed 33 people and over 1 billion animals. One would think that the extensive economic and social heartache that resulted from these fires would create a political and cultural shift in recognising climate change as a priority at a national level. However, in the aftermath of this crisis, a political and cultural persistence of climate change denial trickles down from the national level to the Australian population who are thus more likely to believe that climate change is not at all a serious issue. Australian news readers are more likely to believe that climate change is not at all a serious issue compared to their global counterparts.

When a rising power threatens to displace an incumbent power, historically the result has been war. The rise of China has triggered heated debate within academia. This question- whether the United States (US) and China will fall into the so-called “Thucydides’ Trap”-is of primary relevance today for policymakers worldwide as both countries intensify their rivalry. Should both countries expand their economic, political, security and cultural cooperation, war is unlikely to be an outcome. This essay deals with an emerging power that seeks to find its place in the international system by actively shaping it - from 5G technology, the Belt and Road Initiative and to subversive acts around the globe. The essay concludes with a war between China and the United States being unlikely to take place thanks to the different nature of alliance networks today, the economic interdependence among countries, and the changing public attitude towards war.

From an emerging to an established powerhouse in the region, China’s rise to power in Asia has been afforded by a series of strategic policies within a larger grand strategy, which has undermined central tenets of the Westphalian concept of sovereignty and territory. Through the revival of the Silk Road, China has acquired key infrastructure in Asia and Africa by leveraging weaknesses in international fiscal policies and lending programmes. Thus, territory, for China, is no longer limited to large swathes of land, but instead centralises the pivotal power of strategic, critical infrastructure. Thus, this article aims to highlight the current progress of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) while advocating for a geo-economic frame of analysis to draw out the necessity for reforms of existing territorial dispute mechanisms.

The existing world order mainly characterized by the triumph of Western liberalism is under threat with the emergence of new global power. The Asian great power, China is rising and ready to challenge the status quo. The United States (US) under Trump’s leadership is retreating from global leadership, while China is attempting to fill the power vacuum. China’s increasing strategic investment in international affairs and its commitment supports the argument that China is up for the challenge and serious about global leadership in playing the ‘responsible power’ role. This piece discusses what contributes to China’s rise as a global power in the security domain. It also argues that China’s recent assertiveness in domestic, regional affairs, and international relations is the realisation of China’s position as an emerging global power.

Chinese economic expansion demands energy and natural resources that far exceed domestic supply capabilities, posing a serious threat to the nation’s security. From this, diversified Sino-African energy and resource trade relations have become more than just strategic, but rather, vital for Beijing. It is of no surprise that the literature on the subject of Chinese investment in African nations is polarised and influenced by value judgements regarding China’s role and agenda in the international economy. On one hand, Western critics regard it as neo-colonialist; on the other, proponents see it as pro-mercantilist. Using the case study of loans-for-oil trade deals struck between China and Angola, this article aims to challenge this binary stance that seems to essentialise the issue of ‘China in Africa.’

Recent allegations of Kim Jong Un’s death have triggered old questions regarding succession within the Kim dynasty and sparked new controversies regarding North Korea’s approach to nuclear weapons. However, these issues have been raised in the middle of a global crisis, namely the COVID-19 pandemic. This article will move the focus from North Korean nuclear weapons to biological weapons capabilities, after introducing the present situation of the country, and will assess its potential for production and use of those weapons.

The testing of India and Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities in May 1998 marked the beginning of a period of nuclearisation and proliferation in South Asia. This is an ongoing process as seen with India’s completion of the Nuclear Triad in 2018, allowing for nuclear deterrence by land, air and sea, as well as Pakistan’s growing development of tactical nuclear weapons which can be deployed on the battlefield. The consolidation of the two states’ nuclear arsenals is significant due to the addition of nuclear capabilities in states which are currently involved in a protracted conflict, having engaged in four large scale military conflicts since partition and independence in 1947. The consolidation of nuclear weapons and continued hostilities in the region presents two key questions that must be considered. How has nuclearisation been used in relation to the protracted conflict and more importantly, has nuclearisation in India and Pakistan effectively created regional stability or further injected instability to the regional conflict?

THE ROHINGYA CRISIS AND THE CHALLENGES OF IMPLEMENTING R2P PRINCIPLES

Rohingya refugees are among the most persecuted ethnic groups in the world. Over the last two decades, the Rohingya people have been systematically persecuted by Myanmar's military and the local Buddhist monks.  Due to the influence of Russia and China, The UN Security Council has thus far failed to take decisive action against Myanmar’s consistent human rights violations in the Rakhine State against the Rohingya people. If the international community continues to ignore the Rohingya crisis on the basis of individual states’ internal affairs, then the situation risks devolving into a crisis on the scale of Rwanda.  

CHINA’S EXPANSION INTO THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

“Territorial and jurisdictional rights in the South China Sea are a source of tension and potential conflict between China and other countries in the region. The main point of contention and instability is China’s assertion that it has a historical right to the vast majority of the South China Sea in spite of numerous other countries’ recognised territorial claims. China’s aggressive attitude has created substantial tension not only in the region but also for the rest of the international community.”

CHINA’S INFLUENCE IN AFRICA: FORGING A MUTUALLY BENEFICIAL FUTURE

It is important that Chinese investment recognise Africa’s quest for an equitable international partnership that allows the continent to determine its own development while working towards common global goals: sustainable development, mutual prosperity and respect.

THE CHINESE SWARMING PROGRAMME – PART THREE OF THREE

It is important that Chinese investment recognise Africa’s quest for an equitable international partnership that allows the continent to determine its own development while working towards common global goals: sustainable development, mutual prosperity and respect.

QINGDAO SUMMIT: CHINA IS STILL IN THE DRIVER’S SEAT OF THE SCO

June’s Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Qingdao, Shandong saw visits from delegates of all SCO members, most notably leaders Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin of China and Russia. Despite it being promoted as a primarily multilateral organisation and platform, it is clear that this year’s summit reflects China’s role as its dominant force.

CHINA’S LONG TERM POLICY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA

The South China Sea (SCS) is a major regional hotspot that embodies critical strategic importance in the Asia Pacific region […] as the de facto regional hegemon, China’s bold claims over almost the entire sea have triggered maritime standoffs and bilateral disputes with its neighbours, such as the legal fight with the Philippines and several skirmishes with Vietnam. These claims are part of China’s long-term strategic interests in the SCS.

SINO-RUSSIAN ENERGY RELATIONS

Russia has one-fifth of the world’s global oil reserves within its borders, but much of its energy potential is untapped. Ensuring that energy exports remain a viable source of revenue relies on expanding extraction projects into the Russian Far East, thus requiring foreign investment.