Disarmament is not a straightforward process. It does not only serve to decrease the world’s number of weapons, but also to monitor the use of existing ones. It constitutes a challenge, as national interests, lobbyists, ethics and moral values clash with one another. Although France and other states express their willingness to contribute to a worldwide disarmament, the data show another story.
By Arthur Nobili
To curtail the deleterious consequences of the arms trade, the United Nations General Assembly voted to adopt the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) text in April 2013, and the treaty entered into force in December 2014. [1] France ratified it the same year. [2] The goal of the ATT is to curb the arms trade between states when it is known that these weapons are used to commit or facilitate war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocides. [3]
France is especially committed to restricting irresponsible arms trading. The French Ministry of European and Foreign Affairs affirmed that “France’s activities are based on the following constant principles: act for a safer world, [...] refuse the arms race and make progress towards general and complete disarmament.” [4] Being both a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and a nuclear power, France acknowledges its double responsibility in the efforts towards disarmament. [5]
Despite the commitment and good intentions of states to regulate trade in arms, the data demonstrate another story. According to a report from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), the volume of international transfers of major arms in the period 2015-2019 was 5.5 % higher than in 2010–2014. [6] SIPRI’s definition of “major arms” include, among others, aircrafts, air defence systems, anti-submarine warfare weapons, armoured vehicles, artillery engines, missiles, sensors, satellites, and ships. [7]
Moreover, a significant proportion of trade flows to the Middle East. Indeed, arms imports increased by 61 % between 2010-2014 and 2015-2019 in the region. Saudi Arabia is the biggest recipient, accounting for 35% of sales. [8] Consequently, arms trade is rising, and the Middle East is receiving more weapons, including countries currently at war or engaged in proxy wars such as Saudi Arabia.
Given France’s commitment to achieving general and complete disarmament, one would assume that the nation is making efforts to reverse this general trend. However, data indicate the reverse. Indeed, France’s arms exports rose by 72% between 2010-14 and 2015–19. It represents an increase of 4,85 billion USD worth of arms, valued in terms of trend-indicator values (TIVs). [9] TIVs stand for unit production costs of core sets of weapons. [10] Also, France is the second biggest supplier of arms in the Middle East, behind the United States, and supplies 12% of the total arms transfers to the region. [11] Therefore, France has not only increased its arms exports in recent years, but also supplies weapons to a region experiencing instability and conflict.
This supposedly contradictory behaviour of France and other states are concerning. Why would they demonstrate a willingness to promote disarmament and at the same time expand their arms trade?
First, the arms trade is very lucrative. Just in 2017, the estimated total values of global arms trading were at least 95 billion USD, and SIRPI stated that the true figure was likely to be higher. [12] A second argument might be that the arms trade could be beneficial for world peace, if weapons are only used for defensive action, to combat criminals, or to deter wars. It can also be an instrument for states to pursue their national and foreign policies.
France uses the narrative “for defence only” to justify its arms trade with countries at war and sound conscientious regarding ethics and moral values. For example, the French Minister of the Armed Forces, Florence Parly, rationalised French-made arms sales to Saudi Arabia, a country involved in the Yemen conflict, as follows: ‘To my knowledge, French weapons are not being used in any offensive in the war in Yemen. I do not have any evidence that would lead me to believe that French arms are behind the origins of civilian victims in Yemen.’ [13] This was her response to growing criticisms from investigative journalists, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and unions who denounced arms sales by western countries, including France, to Saudi Arabia. [14]
Still, Disclose -a French NGO equivalent to WikiLeaks- revealed a 15-pages report from the French military intelligence agency, the DRM, which incriminates the French government in selling weapons to Saudi Arabia that are used not only for defence, but also for offensive purposes in the proxy war in Yemen. [15] France sells many weapons to Saudi Arabia including battle tanks, ammunition, fighter jets, helicopters and CAESAR truck-mounted howitzers. [16] The report reveals that a number of these weapons are being used in combat operations in civilian zones. Consequently, concerns are mounting on whether French-made weapons are used in compliance with the UN Arms Trade Treaty.
Such concerns with regards to arms sales by our governments demonstrate the limits of the ATT. Indeed, the treaty does not end arms exports to countries at war. It only requires states to carry out assessments to make sure their arms are not used to commit crimes. [17] But in reality, preventing any possible abuse is a very demanding task, as admitted by Minister Parly: ‘It is true that once the weapons are sold, if the regimes change, if the conditions of use change, we are not in a simple situation because we cannot take it back.’ [18]
Rather than facing uncertainties about the real use of weapons sold to countries at war, why not simply stop selling weapons? Such is the measure taken by Finland in November 2019, whose government decided to forbid new arms export authorisations to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. The same year, Norway froze all defence material exports to Saudi Arabia. [19]
Given the data, a future of our world free of weapons appears remote. The ATT presents its limits: France cannot be certain French-made weapons are not being used against civilians in Yemen. Supervision is not enough. Rather, limiting or banning arms exports, following the example of Finland and Norway, is a more effective measure to prevent arms misuse. But such a response is a challenge for most states; money appeals, and self-interests often hurt the greater good.
SOURCES
[1] Amnesty International (2019) ‘Killer facts 2019: The scale of the global arms trade,’ [online] available from https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/08/killer-facts-2019-the-scale-of-the-global-arms-trade/, accessed on 6th May 2020.
[2] Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères (2019) ‘Régulation du commerce des armes,’ [online] available from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/fr/politique-etrangere-de-la-france/securite-desarmement-et-non-proliferation/desarmement-et-non-proliferation/commerce-transport-et-exportations-d-armes-et-materiels-sensibles/article/regulation-du-commerce-des-armes, accessed on 10th May 2020.
[3] Amnesty International.
[4] Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères (2019) ‘Désarmement et non-prolifération,’ [online] available from https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/french-foreign-policy/security-disarmament-and-non-proliferation/disarmament-and-non-proliferation/, accessed on 3rd May 2020.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Wezeman, P.D. Fleurant, A. Kuimova, A. Da Silva, D.L. Tian, N. and Wezeman, S (2019) ‘Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2019,’ [online] available from https://www.sipri.org/sites/default/files/2020-03/fs_2003_at_2019.pdf, accessed on 9th May 2020.
[7] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2019) ‘Sources and methods,’ [online] available from https://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers/sources-and-methods, accessed on 21th May 2020.
[8] Wezeman et al., p.11.
[9] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2019) ‘Top List TIV Tables,’ [online] available from http://armstrade.sipri.org/armstrade/page/toplist.php, accessed on 26th May 2020.
[10] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2019) ‘Sources and methods,’ [online] available from https://www.sipri.org/databases/armstransfers/sources-and-methods, accessed on 27th May 2020.
[11] Wezeman et al., p.11.
[12] Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (2019) ‘Financial value of the global arms trade,’ [online] available from https://www.sipri.org/databases/financial-value-global-arms-trade, accessed on 6th May 2020.
[13] Reuters News Agency (2019) ‘French weapons not used against civilians in Yemen: Minister,’ [online] available from: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/04/french-weapons-civilians-yemen-minister-190418055920708.html, accessed on 3rd May 2020.
[14] Ruggiero, V (2019) ‘Yemen: Civil War or Transnational Crime?,’ Critical Criminology, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 503–514. DOI: 10.1007/s10612-019-09472-6
[15] Despratx, M. Destal, M. Leroy, A. and Livosi, G. (2019) ‘Yemen Papers,’ [online] available from https://made-in-france.disclose.ngo/en/chapter/yemen-papers, accessed on 3rd May 2020.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ruggiero, p. 508.
[18] Le Figaro and AFP (2018) ‘Yémen: la ministre française des Armées «révoltée»,’ [online] available from https://www.lefigaro.fr/flash-actu/2018/08/31/97001-20180831FILWWW00310-yemen-la-ministre-francaise-des-armees-revoltee.php, accessed on 7th May 2020.
[19] The Defense Post (2019) ‘Saudi Arabia and UAE use French weapons in Yemen, report reveals,’ [online] available from https://www.thedefensepost.com/2019/04/15/french-weapons-yemen-saudi-arabia-uae-disclose/, accessed on 3rd May 2020.