After a long-lasting revolution started in 1961, decades of armed conflict and the complex establishment of democracy since the late 1980s, Nicaragua once again faces an uncertain future. The repression carried out by the ruling Ortega-Murillo family has grown exponentially since the 2018 protests, spreading to almost all sectors of society and reaching unprecedented proportions. Its last move was expelling and stripping the citizenship to more than 200 political prisoners.
BY Adrián Merino Puente
The 6.5 million citizens Central American country is currently caught in a spiral of repression launched by the regime against anything and anyone posing the slightest opposition to its power, committing a wide range of human rights abuses [1]. A historical paradox if Ortega’s political origins are taken into account.
After decades under the Somoza family dictatorship, shaped by corruption and repression, in 1979 the Sandinista movement was able to topple down the regime through a revolution based on the ideals of justice, democracy and socialism – particularly significant considering widespread inequality and poverty. Broad sectors of the society participated in the revolution, including guerrillas, intellectuals and even the Catholic Church, with the figure of Daniel Ortega standing out among all of them [2]. Ortega – as member of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) revolutionary party – ended up serving as president through the second half of the 1980s, losing the 1990 elections against an opposition coalition, and finally regaining power in 2006 [3].
Since 2006, with his wife Rosario Murillo as vice-president, the once-democratic regime has gradually become, once again, an authoritarian kleptocracy – based on a pervasive institutionalised corruption – under the rule of one family. Thus, the Ortega-Murillo family managed to hold financial stakes in large parts of the Nicaraguan economy as well as important government, media and business posts, as the country became increasingly poor [4].
In 2018, corruption, poverty and the end of the economic support provided by Venezuela led to a failed attempt to reform the national social security system, triggering massive protests [5]. The latter – the largest since the revolution – in turn provoked the beginning of the repression, that has lasted to this day.
An eroded democracy
When, in April 2018, the social unrest took the streets, the Ortega-Murillo regime, in control of the police, the Army and the paramilitary groups affiliated to the FSLN, severely repressed the protests. From April to July, 328 people were killed and around 2000 were injured – mostly by the security forces – while hundreds were detained and subjected to torture for months [6]. Furthermore, in its 2023 report for the Human Rights Council, the Group of Human Rights Experts, in addition to demonstrating the systematic violation of human rights, also identified a clear pattern of extrajudicial and coordinated executions during the protests [7]. The report included evidences of imprisonment, prosecution on political grounds, forced deportation, sexual violence, torture and murder [8].
Since then, the regime has deepened its systematic crackdown against critics, political rivals, journalists, students, human rights defenders and members of the Catholic Church. Over 2000 civil society groups have been closed under the 2020 Law on Foreign Agents and the 2022 Law on Regulation and Control of Non-Profit Organisations [8]. Along the same line, between 2021 and 2022, La Prensa – the largest newspaper in Nicaragua – had to end its printed edition because of government pressures, CNN saw its broadcast cancelled without an official explanation, and more than 200 journalists had to exile [9] [10].
Politically, the November 2021 elections reflected the degree of authoritarianism, taking place with seven of its main rivals imprisoned and two of them in exile and – unsurprisingly – leading to Daniel Ortega’s re-election [11]. In addition, the regime-controlled Supreme Electoral Council withdrew the main opposition parties’ registration, later dismissing five elected mayors from the opposition and replacing them by FSLN members [12]. At the end of 2022, over 200 political prisoners were retained under poor conditions and subjected to torture. Among them was Hugo Torres, 73, former revolutionary guerrilla fighter and critic of the regime, who died in prison in February 2022.
The last move
Despite the severity of the measures carried out so far, the regime has been able to take its crackdown on the opposition a step further. On February 9, without previous notice, Ortega released 222 out of the 245 political prisoners existing in Nicaragua and immediately expelled them from the country on a plane bound for the United States [15].
After the decision, the regime-controlled Justice released a statement in defence of the “immediate deportation” of the political prisoners for “undermining the independence, sovereignty and self-determination of the people, inciting violence, terrorism and economic destabilisation” [16]. Simultaneously, the National Assembly – also controlled by Ortega’s FSLN – reformed article 21 of the Nicaraguan political constitution in order to strip the released prisoners from their citizenship after considering them traitors [17].
Among those expelled are students, political opponents, former members of the FSLN as well as historical leaders of the revolution. However, not all of them have accepted the exile. Bishop Rolando Álvarez, 56, – one of the most critical voices against the regime – refused to leave the country, being transferred from his home, where he was under house arrest, to prison [18]. Furthermore, he was sentenced to additional 26 years in prison apart from being stripped of his citizenship [19].
In response, Chile, Colombia, Uruguay, and Ecuador condemned Ortega’s latest decisions along with the United States and the European Union. Along similar lines, a large majority of Latin American countries such as Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador or Mexico as well as Spain and the United Nations have offered their nationality to the political prisoners stripped of citizenship [20]. However, little changes are expected from the Ortega-Murillo regime.
Conclusion
With almost the entire political opposition forced into exile and stripped of its citizenship, the repression is entering a new phase. Expelled from Nicaragua and without access to the national media, tightly controlled by the Ortega-Murillo regime, the opposition will probably find it increasingly difficult to get its message to the people or exercise any type of leadership. Furthermore, the repression and the fear of it will result in a decreasing number of social sector actors capable of carrying out any type of opposition.
In fact, the Catholic Church, so far the only actor able to withstand the harassment of the regime, is also being silenced. In the last months, it has seen a large number of its members detained and its access to public spaces reduced, with a ban on religious events on the streets.
Finally, with regard to the international community, despite widespread criticisms to the regime, even within Latin America, Ortega continues to rely on allies. Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Russia still play a significant role in maintaining the regime, while directly or indirectly making a stronger regional response impossible.
References
[1] United Nations, “Crimes against humanity likely committed in Nicaragua, says independent rights probe,” United Nations (March 2023) https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/03/1134072#:~:text=The%20report%20also%20indicates%20that,interrogation%20and%20detention%20of%20opponents.
[2] Carlos Malamud, “¿Finales paralelos de Somoza y Ortega?” Real Instituto Elcano (April 2018) https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/blog/finales-paralelos-de-somoza-y-ortega/.
[3] Nahal Toosi, “Tiny Nicaragua is becoming a big problem for Joe Biden,” Politico, October 26, 2021 https://www.politico.com/news/2021/10/26/nicaragua-costa-rica-blinken-517056.
[4] Nahal Toosi, “Tiny Nicaragua is becoming a big problem for Joe Biden.”
[5] Carlos Malamud “¿Finales paralelos de Somoza y Ortega?”
[6] Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2023: Nicaragua,” Human Rights Watch (March 2023) https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2023/country-chapters/nicaragua.
[7] United Nations, “Crimes against humanity likely committed in Nicaragua, says independent rights probe.”
[8] Tamara Taraciuk and Juan Pappier, “Nicaragua’s Crisis Needs a Bold Regional Response,” Human Rights Watch, March 17, 2023 https://www.hrw.org/news/2023/03/17/nicaraguas-crisis-needs-bold-regional-response.
[9] United Nations, “Nicaragua: Rights experts denounce shutdown of over 700 civil society groups,” United Nations (July 2022) https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/07/1123662.
[10] Democracia Abierta, “Represión cada vez más insoportable en Nicaragua,” Democracia Abierta, September 23, 2022 https://www.opendemocracy.net/es/represion-cada-vez-mas-insoportable-en-nicaragua/.
[11] Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2023: Nicaragua.”
[12] Democracia Abierta, “Represión cada vez más insoportable en Nicaragua.”
[13] Human Rights Watch, “World Report 2023: Nicaragua.”
[14] United Nations, “Rights experts decry shut down of civic space in Nicaragua,” United Nations (October 2022) https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/10/1129147#:~:text=Nicaragua%20must%20comply%20with%20its,joint%20declaration%20issued%20on%20Monday.
[15] Tamara Taraciuk and Juan Pappier, “Nicaragua’s Crisis Needs a Bold Regional Response.”
[16] Wilfredo Miranda and Iker Seisdedos, “El régimen de Daniel Ortega libera a más de 200 presos políticos en Nicaragua y los destierra a Estados Unidos,” El País, February 09, 2023 https://elpais.com/internacional/2023-02-09/el-regimen-de-daniel-ortega-libera-a-mas-de-200-presos-politicos-y-los-destierra-en-estados-unidos.html.
[17] Asamblea Nacional, “Aprueban reforma a la Constitución y Ley Especial que regula la pérdida de la nacionalidad nicaragüense,” Asamblea Nacional (February 2023) https://noticias.asamblea.gob.ni/aprueban-reforma-a-la-constitucion-y-ley-especial-que-regula-la-perdida-de-la-nacionalidad-nicaraguense/.
[18] Wilfredo Miranda, “Que sean libres, yo pago la condena de ellos”: el obispo Rolando Álvarez rechaza abordar el avión del destierro,” El País, February 09, 2023 https://elpais.com/internacional/2023-02-09/que-sean-libres-yo-pago-la-condena-de-ellos-el-obispo-rolando-alvarez-rechaza-abordar-el-avion-del-destierro.html.
[19] Iker Seisdedos and Carlos S. Maldonado, “El obispo que resiste en Nicaragua: así planta cara Rolando Álvarez a Daniel Ortega,” El País, February 12, 2023 https://elpais.com/internacional/2023-02-12/el-obispo-que-resiste-en-nicaragua-asi-rolando-alvarez-decidio-plantarle-cara-a-daniel-ortega.html.
[20] Tamara Taraciuk and Juan Pappier, “Nicaragua’s Crisis Needs a Bold Regional Response.”
